Introduction: The Transnational Links of Illiberalism
By Marlene Laruelle
In recent years, illiberal politics has emerged as one of the most prominent challenges to the international liberal order. This phenomenon has transformed national political landscapes, as well as triggered the formation of a transnational network of illiberal actors, from intellectuals and political parties to civil society groups and governments. Despite the vast array of regional manifestations of illiberalism, a shared ideological undercurrent ties these movements together: a profound critique of liberalism, itself associated with globalism and multiculturalism; a defense of national sovereignty and traditional values; and a majoritarian-authoritarian vision of electoral governance. As this collection of papers demonstrates, understanding illiberalism’s transnational character is crucial to explaining both the success and resilience of illiberal movements.
This special issue contributes to the growing body of scholarship on the global right. Rita Abrahamsen et al.’s (2024) World of the Right: Radical Conservatism and Global Order has shown how radical conservative movements are not confined to their respective domestic arenas but are deeply embedded in transnational circuits of ideological and institutional influence.[1] Franz Eder further demonstrated that foreign policy positions adopted by radical right parties do reflect coherent ideological commitments that shape their external engagement.[2] Manès Weisskircher, too, highlighted how such commitments materialize through movement-party activism, showing how far-right actors in Germany have mobilized cross-border solidarities and alternative geopolitical narratives in the context of Russia’s war against Ukraine.[3] The contributors to this special issue deepen this body of work by mapping the ideological, intellectual, and institutional circuits through which illiberalism becomes globalized and normalized.
Marlene Laruelle, “Introduction: The Transnational Links of Illiberalism,” Journal of Illiberalism Studies 5, no. 3 (2025): 1-3, https://doi.org/10.53483/ZCRS3608.
Francesco Melito lays the groundwork by analyzing the ideological components that link illiberal movements across Europe, in his case Spain, Italy, Poland, and Hungary. He argues that illiberalism is a response to the ontological insecurity brought about by liberalism, expressed in discourses that revolve around nationalism, traditional values, and critiques of globalization. His analysis shows that illiberalism, despite regional differences, articulates a common set of anxieties around the loss of cultural identity and sovereignty in the face of liberal globalization. Responses to these forces promoting ideological homogeneity are key to understanding the strength and appeal of illiberal movements that transcend national borders, allowing for a cross-national articulation of illiberal demands and a shared vision of security.
Moving across the Atlantic, Grant Silverman traces the internationalization of the American conservative movement through the lens of the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), a flagship event that has increasingly become a platform for the transnational far right. While the American right’s rhetoric had appeared insular until recently, CPAC’s growing global presence reveals how American conservatism as revamped by Donald Trump has now become a key element in the international illiberal networks. CPAC has indeed transformed into an important venue for networking, ideological exchange, and political organizing among far-right movements from Europe, Latin America, and beyond.
Building on the analysis of CPAC as a hub for the internationalization of the American right, Erik Piccoli explores the broader trans-Atlantic illiberal network connecting American and European actors. Using a social network analysis of conferences, think tanks, and affiliated events, his paper demonstrates that these networks facilitate transnational ideological exposure and collaboration. He finds that American actors dominate the CPAC network, often exporting ideas and strategies to European contexts, and shaping both the discourse and practical organization of their fellow travelers. His study underscores how transnational gatherings enables the export of American-style conservative ideas, fostering partnerships, and consolidating a shared illiberal vision among right-wing actors on both sides of the Atlantic.
The ideological network that sustains illiberalism is also heavily influenced by transnational intellectual movements. Valentir Behr and Eve Gianoncelli explore how the European Conservative has played a crucial role in consolidating illiberal ideology across borders. By examining its history and contributors, the authors highlight how the journal has become a critical space for forging transnational conservative alliances. Its ability to bring together scholars and thinkers from both Western and Eastern Europe (and increasingly the United States) underscores how conservative intellectuals have sought to create a unified ideological platform that challenges liberalism, shifting gradually toward more radical intellectual references. The European Conservative has also managed to bridge the gap between cultural conservatism and political action, providing both the theoretical underpinnings and strategic advice necessary to strengthen illiberal networks.
While intellectual circles play a key role, the spread of illiberalism in practice often occurs through more localized and region-specific dynamics. Lorena Drakula provides an empirical examination of the transnational links between Western illiberal actors and their counterparts in Southeast Europe. Through a detailed ethnographic analysis of anti-gender campaigns in Croatia and Serbia, she demonstrates how local illiberal actors in these countries are directly influenced by their Western counterparts, particularly by the US Christian right. The study illustrates that, while anti-liberal and anti-progressive rhetoric may seem purely domestic and, it is in fact shaped by a transnational network of ideological collaboration that spans the US and Europe, with the West still being seen as a model worthy of emulation.
Transnational connections also occur at the government level, and this is the focus on the last three articles of the special issue. Aleksandra Dzięgielewska takes a critical look at how Poland under the PiS party (2015–2023) and Hungary under the Fidesz party (2010–present) have formed a strategic alliance within the EU to resist liberal pressures. She argues that the Polish-Hungarian partnership has been driven by a shared illiberal agenda, where both states seek to protect and promote their domestic policies at the EU level, more than by shared historical legacy. Through their joint opposition to EU policies on migration and the rule of law, the two countries have crafted an opportunistic relationship that serves to bolster their national agendas. Dzięgielewska’s work underscores the importance of illiberal cooperation at the supranational level, demonstrating how EU member states with illiberal agendas can strategically leverage their influence to undermine the EU’s liberal-democratic foundations.
Lenka Bustikova and Petra Guasti look at another form of illiberal interstate solidarity: the conservative Polish legal network Ordo Iuris’ influence campaign targeting the Czech Senate to block the ratification of the Istanbul Convention—a treaty aimed at preventing violence against women. Weaponizing narratives focused on national sovereignty, skepticism of gender ideology, and redundancy of existing domestic law, the Ordo Iuris campaign successfully reinforced conservative trends within local mainstream parties. This transnational advocacy network turned an otherwise marginal issue into a divisive culture war and led to the Convention’s failure by strategic inaction instead of outright opposition. Paradoxically, although the Istanbul Convention was not ratified, the debate sparked by this campaign raised public awareness about violence against women and led to subsequent legal reforms on rape and domestic violence in the Czech Republic.
Continuing this discussion, Anastasia Mgaloblishvili examines Hungary’s role in the EU’s enlargement policy toward Georgia, highlighting how the Fidesz government’s approach under Prime Minister Viktor Orbán has shifted depending on the candidate state’s alignment with illiberal norms. By analyzing Hungary’s diplomatic efforts and media framing of EU policies, Mgaloblishvili demonstrates how an illiberal member state can strategically manipulate EU mechanisms to weaken accession conditionality criteria, shield like-minded regimes, and advance the transnational spread of illiberal norms beyond Europe’s borders.
This collection of papers contributes to the growing body of research on the transnational nature of illiberalism, showing how illiberal actors in both Europe and beyond are united by shared ideological components and strengthened by their connections to one another. The papers presented here make clear that the internationalization of illiberalism is not a passing trend but a multifaceted, ideologically rich movement that thrives on cross-border connections. In examining the ideological foundations, regional manifestations, and institutional impacts of illiberalism, this special issue provides a comprehensive look at the different ways illiberalism positions itself at the interplay of domestic and international politics and policies.
[1] Rita Abrahamsen Jean François Drolet, Michael C. Williams, Srdjan Vucetic, Karin Narita, and Alexandra Gheciu, World of the Right: Radical Conservatism and Global Order (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 2024).
[2] Franz Eder, “The Nature of a Populist and Radical‑Right Foreign Policy: Analysing the Freedom Party’s Participation in the Right‑Wing Austrian Government,” British Journal of Politics & International Relations 26, no. 4 (2024): 1100–1120.
[3] Manès Weisskircher, “Far-Right Movement-Party Activism as Strategy: Germany’s ‘Peace Movement’ during Russia’s War against Ukraine,” Acta Politica 60 (2025): 118–138.
